Monday, August 07, 2017

α


“Democracy stakes everything on a continuing dialogue of informed citizens. And that dialogue rises or falls on whether the discussion is based on propaganda and deceit or on facts and verification pursued with a mind willing to learn."

Bill Kovach and Tom Rosenstiel in their book Blur: How to Know What's True in the Age of Information Overload.


“When copies are free, you need to sell things which cannot be copied. The first thing of these is trust. Trust must be earned, over time."

Kevin Kelly Wired internet magazine editor.

Pemandangan di kota Toronto dimana ada program bike share. Ini sepeda bisa dipakai bersama-sama. Sepeda bisa diparkir di tempat-tempat yang ditentukan. Ia membantu mengatasi kemacetan lalu lintas karena orang didorong pakai moda transportasi campuran. Ia dengan mudah ditemukan dekat stasiun kereta api. Orang bisa naik kereta api lalu pindah sepeda. Program ini juga pernah saya lihat di Brussels, New York dan Washington DC. 

Febriana Firdaus dapat penghargaan keberanian dalam jurnalisme

Yayasan Pantau memperkenalkan Penghargaan Oktovianus Pogau di Indonesia. Ia diberikan pertama kali kepada Febriana Firdaus asal Kalisat. Penghargaan ini tak diberikan uang maupun acara agar Yayasan Pantau bisa melulu diskusi soal seleksi penerima tanpa dibebani pendanaan.

Match Words with Action on Papua Rights Abuses
My essay about the Joko Widodo government approach on rights abuses in West Papua and Papua provinces.

Media dan Jurnalisme
Ingin belajar menulis? Ada empat kategori dalam pembelajaran media dan jurnalisme: Laku wartawan; Meliput; Menulis; dan Dinamika ruang redaksi.

Indonesia Divided?
Steve Paikin of TV Ontario interviewed me about the rise of religious discriminations and violence. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono introduced "religious harmony" against the Constitutional religious freedom.

Doa Anak Telanjang
Puisi karya Pastor John Djonga dari Pulau Flores, diciptakan saat sahabatnya, Yosepha Alomang dari Timika, dapat penghargaan Yap Thiam Hien di bidang hak asasi manusia.

Dari Thames ke Ciliwung
Bagaimana pemerintah Indonesia lakukan privatisasi terhadap perusahaan air minum Jakarta?


Mengapa Kekerasan Atas Nama Agama Marak?
Human Rights Watch menerangkan hukum dan peraturan yang diskriminatif serta empat lembaga negara dan semi-negara fasilitasi diskriminasi di Indonesia.

Bagaimana jurnalisme zaman internet?
Bill Kovach dan Tom Rosenstiel bahas pengaruh internet pada jurnalisme. Media makin kehilangan fungsi "penjaga gawang" informasi.

Indonesia Is No Model for Muslim Democracy
World leaders love to praise Indonesia as a model for Muslim democracy. Is that right?

Belajar dari Filep Karma
Seorang cendekiawan Papua bicara nasib bangsa Papua: tersingkir di tanah mereka sendiri. Dia dipenjara 15 tahun oleh pengadilan Indonesia.

Akar Kekerasan Kalimantan
Lebih dari 70 warga Pontianak dan Singkawang keluarkan Seruan Pontianak, minta agar warga berhati-hati dengan kekerasan.

Indonesia ignores calls for tobacco reform
Indonesia is one smoking giant. In 2009, 28 percent of Indonesian adults were smokers and more than half of men smoke.

Peluncuran Antologi di Pekanbaru
Bahana Mahasiswa meluncurkan 'Agama' Saya Adalah Jurnalisme di perpustakaan Soeman HS, Pekanbaru. Ada pertunjukan Teater Rakyat.

Antologi Kedua
Saya mempersiapkan antologi baru berisi berbagai laporan panjang, minimal 5,000 kata, tentang hak asasi manusia dan pertikaian di berbagai tempat di Indonesia. Ia juga berisi revolusi komunikasi di dunia berkat kedatangan internet. Mulai dari Google hingga Facebook.

Kriminalisasi Aspirasi Politik
Mereka menaikkan bendera RMS atau bendera Bintang Kejora. Mereka ditangkap, disiksa, dihukum dengan proses peradilan yang buruk dan kini dipenjara tahunan.

Obama Has the Power to Help Papua
Young Barack Obama noticed his stepfather’s great unease and silence about his one-year military service in New Guinea. Obama has the power to "the weak man."

Ahmadiyah, Rechtstaat dan Hak Asasi Manusia
Selama satu dekade warga Ahmadiyah di Pulau Lombok diusir dari satu desa ke desa lain. Bagaimana melihat pelanggaran hak asasi manusia ini dari kenegaraan Indonesia?

Antara Sabang dan Merauke
Berkelana dari Sabang ke Merauke, wawancara dan riset. Ia termasuk tujuh pulau besar, dari Sumatera hingga Papua, plus puluhan pulau kecil macam Miangas, Salibabu, Ternate dan Ndana.

Cermin Jakarta, Cermin New York
Resensi buku-buku soal majalah The New Yorker. Dari redaktur Harold Ross, lalu William Shawn hingga David Remnick. Bagaimana ia menjadi icon kebudayaan Amerika Serikat?

Burrying Indonesia's Millions: The Legacy of Suharto
Suharto introduced a "business model" for soldiers and businessmen. He built ties to merchants, accummulating immense wealth while using violence to repress dissension.

Dominikus Sorabut dan Putu Oka Sukanta
Penghargaan Hellmann/Hammett 2012 untuk keberanian membela hak berpendapat. Sukanta ditangkap pada 1966 dan ditahan, tanpa pengadilan, selama 10 tahun di Jakarta. Sorabut dipenjara sejak 2011 di Jayapura.

Sebuah Kuburan, Sebuah Nama
Di Protestant Cemetery, Penang, terdapat sebuah makam untuk James Richardson Logan, seorang juris-cum-wartawan, yang menciptakan kata Indonesia pada 1850.

Makalah Criminal Collaborations
S. Eben Kirksey dan saya menerbitkan makalah "Criminal Collaborations?" di jurnal South East Asia Research (London). Ia mempertanyakan pengadilan terhadap Antonius Wamang soal pembunuhan di Timika.

Moedjallat Indopahit
Satu majalah didisain sebagai undangan pernikahan. Isinya, rupa-rupa cerita. Dari alasan pernikahan hingga kepahitan sistem kenegaraan Indonesia keturunan Majapahit.

Struktur Negara Federasi
Rahman Tolleng bicara soal struktur federasi di Indonesia. Kuncinya, kekuasaan ditaruh di tangan daerah-daerah lalu diberikan sebagian ke pusat. Bukan sebaliknya, ditaruh di pusat lalu diberikan ke daerah: otonomi. Bagaimana Republik Indonesia Serikat?

Indonesia: A Lobbying Bonanza
Taufik Kiemas, when his wife Megawati Sukarnoputri was still president, collected political money to hire a Washington firm to lobby for Indonesian weapons. This story is a part of a project called Collateral Damage: Human Rights and US Military Aid

Hoakiao dari Jember
Ong Tjie Liang, satu travel writer kelahiran Jember, malang melintang di Asia Tenggara. Dia ada di kamp gerilya Aceh namun juga muncul di Rangoon, bertemu Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi maupun Jose Ramos-Horta. Politikus Marrissa Haque pernah tanya, “Mas ini bekerja untuk bahan tulisan atau buat intel Amerika berkedok ilmuwan?”

State Intelligence Agency hired Washington firm
Indonesia's intelligence body used Abdurrahman Wahid’s charitable foundation to hire a Washington lobbying firm to press the U.S. Congress for a full resumption of military assistance to Indonesia. Press Release and Malay version

From the Thames to the Ciliwung
Giant water conglomerates, RWE Thames Water and Suez, took over Jakarta's water company in February 1998. It turns out to be the dirty business of selling clean water.

Bagaimana Cara Belajar Menulis Bahasa Inggris
Bahasa punya punya empat komponen: kosakata, tata bahasa, bunyi dan makna. Belajar bahasa bukan sekedar teknik menterjemahkan kata dan makna. Ini juga terkait soal alih pikiran.

Dewa dari Leuwinanggung
Pada 1990 Iwan Fals meluncurkan album Swami. Dia mulai gelisah dengan rezim Soeharto. Dia membaca selebaran gelap dan buku terlarang. Dia belajar dari W.S. Rendra dan Arief Budiman. Iwan Fals jadi salah satu penyanyi terbesar yang pernah lahir di Pulau Jawa. Lalu anak sulungnya meninggal dunia. Dia terpukul. Bagaimana Iwan Fals bangkit dari kerusuhan jiwa dan menjadi saksi?

Saturday, August 05, 2017

The Toxic Impact of Indonesia’s Abusive Blasphemy Law


By Andreas Harsono

Donald Ignatius Suyanto, a chef living on the Hindu-majority island of Bali, on March 21, 2016 uploaded a video to YouTube in which he questioned the integrity of the Islamic shahada, or statement of faith. That prompted complaints from some Muslim bloggers and on July 27, 2017, police arrested Suyanto for blasphemy. He is currently behind bars awaiting trial.


In May 2017, Aking Saputra, a real estate executive in Karawang, West Java posted on Facebook his opinion that the majority of cadres of the Indonesian Communist Party, banned since 1966, had been Muslim clerics. A local Islamist group protested that those comments were blasphemous. Police arrested Saputra for blasphemy on June 9 and he is currently facing trial.

These are just two of the two dozen or so blasphemy prosecutions filed since President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo took office in October 2014, according to databases of the Setara Institute and the Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network, two Jakarta-based nongovernmental organizations. At least 10 of those prosecutions have produced convictions that have resulted in the imprisonment of 15 people. There have been zero acquittals. That compares to a total of 89 blasphemy prosecutions during the 2004-2014 administration of former President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and suggests that despite Jokowi’s rhetorical support for respecting human rights, he is content to allow abusive blasphemy prosecutions to continue unchecked.

The threat of Indonesia’s blasphemy law is nothing new. The law, article 156a of the Indonesian criminal code, was passed in 1965 and punishes deviations from the central tenets of Indonesia’s six officially recognized religions with up to five years in prison. The blasphemy law has been used to prosecute and imprison members of religious minorities and traditional religions. Recent targets of the blasphemy law include three former leaders of the Gafatar religious community following the violent forced eviction of more than 7,000 members of the group from their farms on Kalimantan island last year, as well as former Jakarta Governor Basuki “Ahok” Purnama, who a court sentenced to a two-year prison term for blasphemy in May 2017 due to a reference he made to a Quranic verse in September 2016.

Not even the 22-year-old son of Jokowi, Kaesang Pangarep, has been immune to blasphemy accusations. On July 6, 2017, a resident of Bekasi, outside of Jakarta, filed a complaint of “blasphemous” content in a video that Kaesang posted on YouTube. Police declined to pursue charges because of “lack of evidence.” Despite the law’s abusive nature, Indonesia’s Ministry of Religious Affairs is seeking to reinforce and expand its scope through the so-called Religious Rights Protection bill, which parliament is likely to debate by the end of 2017. The government’s refusal to abolish the law, despite pressure from both the United Nations as well as the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation raises troubling questions about the government’s willingness to respect its international human rights obligations.


But there is a new and equally sinister form of abuse of the right of freedom of expression linked to the same strain of intolerance fueling the recent spate of blasphemy prosecutions: vigilante-style persecution by militant Islamists of individuals who publicly express support for Ahok or concern about the blasphemy law. Statistics compiled by the Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network indicate that militant Islamists have targeted at least 55 people since September 2016 with abuse including online threats, verbal harassment and physical intimidation.

Their victims include Dr. Otto Rajasa In Balikpapan, East Kalimantan province. On November 4, 2016, Rajasa wrote a Facebook posting questioning the rationale of fellow Muslims who travelled from Balikpapan to Jakarta for a huge Friday prayer-cum-protest organized by anti-Ahok militant Islamists. That prompted a campaign of online and offline harassment from individuals who accused Rajasa of blasphemy. On December 21, 2016, the Indonesian Ulama Council, an umbrella of Muslim groups in Indonesia, issued a non-legally binding edict that Rajasa was guilty of blasphemy. Within weeks, that campaign prompted his employer to transfer Rajasa to a remote area in reprisal for his remarks. Classmates and a teacher of his 14-year-old son tormented the boy by calling his father a “blasphemer.” Police detained Rajasa on May 23, 2017 and on July 26, the Balikpapan court sentenced him to a two-year prison term for “spreading online hostility and hatred against Muslims.”

Fiera Lovita, a doctor in Solok, West Sumatra, fled her home with her family on May 29, 2017 after members of the thuggish militant group the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) subjected her and her family to a relentless barrage of threats and insults in response to critical Facebook comments she posted about the group’s leader, Rizieq Syihab. That intimidation peaked on May 23 when FPI members confronted her at her workplace and demanded that she delete those postings and issue a written apology to Syihab. Rather than arrest the FPI members implicated in those abuses, local police “mediated a dialogue” between the FPI and Lovita. Lovita and her family have now relocated to Jakarta and have no plans to return to Solok due to personal safety concerns.

Until the Indonesian government abolishes the abusive blasphemy law and ensures that the police protect the rights of Indonesians rather than pander to the prejudices of those who deny those rights, blasphemy prosecutions and intolerant acts of harassment and intimidation by militant Islamists will continue.

Andreas Harsono is the senior researcher on Indonesia at Human Rights Watch.