Sunday, May 24, 2020

"Andreas Harsono is not well known to the public but he is very well known among a small network of human rights activists, dissident scholars, Indonesian journalists, and foreign correspondents. He is often the fixer behind their stories – unacknowledged, unassuming, unselfish. Now he has shown just what a superb chronicler he is in his own right."

Clinton Fernandes of University of New South Wales University
on Andreas Harsono's book Race, Islam and Power


Andreas Harsono meliput dampak dari tsunami 2014 di Aceh. Ombak raksasa tersebut membunuh lebih 100,000 orang dan mengakhiri perang selama tiga dekade antara Gerakan Acheh Merdeka dan Indonesia lewat perjanjian damai Helsinki pada Agustus 2015. ©Hotli Simanjuntak

Media dan Jurnalisme

Majalah Pantau
Saya pernah bekerja sebagai wartawan buat The Jakarta Post, The Nation (Bangkok) dan The Star (Kuala Lumpur). Pada 2000, selama delapan tahun, saya menyunting majalah Pantau soal media dan jurnalisme dari Jakarta.

Saya ikut mendirikan Aliansi Jurnalis Independen, Institut Studi Arus Informasi, South East Press Alliance (Bangkok) and Yayasan Pantau. Pada 1999-2000, saya belajar jurnalisme bersama Bill Kovach di Universitas Harvard. Saya makin sering meneliti dan menulis persoalan jurnalisme.


Buku dan Laporan

Monash University Publishing 2019
Saya menerbitkan dua antologi –Jurnalisme Sastrawi (2005) bersama Budi Setiyono dan “Agama” Saya Adalah Jurnalisme (2011)—serta beberapa laporan soal hak asasi manusia termasuk Prosecuting Political Aspiration: Indonesia’s Political Prisoners (2010) serta In Religion’s Name: Abuses Against Religious Minorities in Indonesia (2013). Pada 2019, saya menerbitkan buku Race, Islam and Power. Ia sebuah cerita perjalanan yang diramu dengan riset soal hak asasi manusia.

Hak Asasi Manusia

Filep Karma
Sejak 2008, saya bekerja sebagai peneliti buat Human Rights Watch, salah satu organisasi hak asasi manusia paling berpengaruh di dunia, dengan tanggungjawab soal Indonesia. Banyak menulis soal kebebasan beragama, kebebasan pers, prinsip non-diskriminasi.

Ia membuat saya banyak menulis soal diskriminasi terhadap minoritas agama di Indonesia: minoritas dalam Islam termasuk Ahmadiyah dan Syiah; minoritas non-Islam namun agama-agama yang dilindungi di Indonesia termasuk Protestan, Katholik, Buddha, Hindu dan Khong Hu Chu; minoritas agama kecil termasuk aliran kepercayaan maupun agama baru macam Millah Abraham.

Minoritas gender --termasuk perempuan serta LGBTIQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, queer)-- juga sering saya bahas. Secara geografis saya juga banyak menulis minoritas etnik macam Aceh, Kalimantan, Jawa, Maluku, Timor serta Papua.

Perjalanan

Chiang Mai 2018
Saya sering menulis cerita perjalanan. Saya pernah jalan dari Sabang sampai Merauke, dari Miangas sampai Rote, lebih dari 70 lokasi di Indonesia. Saya mencatat, merekam dan menulis soal tempat menarik, kisah sedih, orang menarik ... tentu saja juga makanan.

Saya juga sering menulis perjalanan di negeri jauh, dari Eropa sampai Amerika, praktis berbagai kota besar di Asia Tenggara. Paling menarik bila berjalan seorang diri, sering memakai perjalanan buat berpikir, membaca dan berbagi.

Cerita

Blog ini juga banyak memuat cerita remeh, tapi menarik, setidaknya bagi keluarga saya, soal pengalaman hidup saya, dari kegembiraan sampai kesedihan, dari kawan sampai adik, mungkin juga musuh. Saya selalu tinggal di Pulau Jawa --Jember, Lawang, Malang, Salatiga, dan Jakarta-- namun pernah bermukim di Phnom Penh dan Cambridge. Banyak cerita muncul dari semua tempat ini. Saya menganggap diri saya "orang Jakarta." Kedua anak saya lahir di Jakarta.

Hari Imlek 2019
Isteri saya, Sapariah Saturi, kelahiran Pontianak, pindah ke Jakarta buat bekerja. Kami juga punya rumah di Pontianak.

Saya juga sering mengunjungi New York, praktis setiap tahun. Ia kota perdagangan paling besar di dunia. Mungkin kawan saya di luar Indonesia, paling banyak di kota New York. Saya juga banyak kenal sudut New York sehingga banyak cerita juga muncul dari New York.

Yayasan Pantau: Kelas Menulis Daring


Yayasan Pantau bikin kursus online soal bagaimana bikin liputan panjang dan menuliskannya. Pantau biasanya menolak bikin kursus online. Interaksi dalam kelas terbatas bila ia dilakukan online. Namun wabah Covid19 membuat physical contact susah.

Semua sesi online akan pakai Google Meet. Video akan direkam. Sesi online akan disertai video, audio dan gambar termasuk peta. Bila menarik, ia akan ditaruh di You Tube.

Syarat peserta adalah aktivis hak asasi manusia atau lingkungan hidup, pers mahasiswa, wartawan atau profesional lain, yang sudah biasa menulis. Mereka seharusnya sudah mengerti 10 elemen jurnalisme dari Bill Kovach dan Tom Rosenstiel serta tahu pertimbangan menulis panjang --sering secara bergairah disebut "jurnalisme sastrawi"-- yang diterangkan Robert Vare.

Kelas ini gratis, diadakan setiap minggu. Kelak bila sudah bentuknya baik akan diminta bayaran. Setiap sesi perlu daftar kepada Ruth Ogetay dengan Whatsapp +62-813-1544-9128 untuk diberikan alamat Google Meet.

***

Sesi pertama Studi kasus naskah "Sebuah Kegilaan di Simpang Kraft"
Jumat, 29 Mei 2020 pukul 17-18.30 WIB

Naskah ini terbitan Mei 2002 majalah bulanan Pantau karya Chik Rini, seorang wartawan Banda Aceh. Ceritanya, penembakan terhadap warga Aceh di Lhokseumawe pada Mei 1999. Setidaknya 46 orang mati ditembak. Chik Rini wawancara dan jadikan lima orang wartawan, termasuk kamerawan Ali Raban, sebagai karakter dalam narasi ini.

Kontras menerbitkan podcast "Sebuah Kegilaan Simpang Kraft" dibawakan Iyok Baswara. Panjangnya, 1.5 jam. Bisa didengarkan malam-malam, sambil membayangkan penembakan dan pembunuhan massal di Simpang Kraft.

Chik Rini dan Iyok Baswara akan tampil dalam sesi ini. Baswara akan membacakan beberapa alinea dari podcast. Chik Rini akan cerita background liputan tersebut. Moderator Andreas Harsono dari Yayasan Pantau yang kebetulan menyunting naskah tersebut pada 2002.

Bahan kuliah

Sunday, May 03, 2020

Perempuan berbudi luhur, seks virtual dan COVID-19

Julia Suryakusuma (duduk) dalam acara Yayasan Pantau, Jakarta, 17 Oktober 2018.

Julia Suryakusuma

UNTUNG rasanya aku sudah jauh melewati masa suburku! Bayangkan hamil, terutama untuk pertama kalinya, dan melahirkan selama pandemi global yang belum pernah terjadi sebelumnya ini. Anda tidak hanya takut terinfeksi, Anda juga khawatir janin di kandungan Andapun akan terinfeksi. Waduh!

Seorang ibu hamil perlu melakukan kunjungan pranatal secara teratur. Bagaimana melakukannya dengan PSBB (pengaturan sosial berskala besar)? Sebenarnya, ada tele-konsultasi, untuk menggantikan kunjungan langsung, tetapi hal ini masih langka di Indonesia.

Perempuan hamil di Hong Kong
dengan poster masker, Maret 2020
.
(AFP/Anthony Wallace)
Bagaimana dengan resep kontrasepsi yang perlu diisi ulang setiap satu hingga tiga bulan? Atau kontrasepsi darurat (kondar)? Pastinya tidak bisa dilakukan secara virtual. Bagaimana kalau hubungan seks secara virtual saja kalau begitu? Pasti tidak hamil!

Kehamilan adalah salah satu topik yang dibahas pada webinar International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (INFID) kedua, tentang Perempuan dan COVID-19 yang diadakan April 24, dipresentasikan Zumrotin K. Susilo dari Yayasan Kesehatan Perempuan, pembicara pertama.

Pembicara kedua adalah Nani Zulminarni, pendiri dan direktur Yayasan Pemberdayaan Perempuan Kepala Keluarga (PEKKA). Dia berbicara tentang nasib anggota PEKKA. Banyak dari mereka adalah pekerja harian yang tidak dapat memperoleh penghasilan karena PSBB: petani dan buruh tani (37 persen), pedagang pasar (15 persen), produsen kerajinan dan makanan (9 persen), jasa (9 persen), pekerja pabrik (6 persen), guru (2 persen), pekerja kantor (1 persen), perempuan nelayan (1 persen), pegawai negeri, polisi, militer, pensiunan (1 persen) dan penganggur (19 persen).

Hanya sekitar 4 persen berpenghasilan Rp 2 juta per bulan, lebih dari 10 persen berpenghasilan antara Rp 500.000 dan Rp 1 juta, lebih dari 45 persen berpenghasilan di bawah Rp 500.000 dan 19 persen tidak memiliki penghasilan sama sekali. Banyak yang sudah berada di dalam siklus kemiskinan, tetapi tanpa bantuan luar, COVID-19 benar-benar menempatkan mereka pada jalan buntu. Dan dengan rumah tangga yang dikepalai perempuan yang merupakan 17 hingga 25 persen seluruh rumah tangga di Indonesia, kita berbicara mengenai jumlah yang besar.

Nur Iman “Boni” Subono, pembicara ketiga, anggota dewan redaksi Jurnal Perempuan sejak awal 1995, mengangkat isu mereka yang berada di garis depan pertempuran melawan virus korona: perawat.

Pertama, rasio pekerja medis di Indonesia (termasuk perawat) dengan populasi umum adalah 1:100.000.

Jadi pandemi atau tidak, sebaiknya jangan sakit ya? Apalagi jika Anda miskin.

Per 2019, perawat di Indonesia berjumlah 345.508, dengan hampir setengahnya di Jawa dan sisanya tersebar tipis di wilayah lain.

Di saat-saat normal pun, perawat rentan terhadap kekerasan di tempat kerja, tetapi dalam suasana ketakutan, frustrasi, dan stres pandemi saat ini, mereka menjadi sasaran pelampiasan di semua bidang kehidupan mereka. Di tempat kerja, mereka diperlakukan dengan kasar, diancam, dihina, diludahi, bahkan diperkosa. Dalam perjalanan ke tempat kerja, mereka menghadapi intimidasi, pelecehan seksual dan bahkan lebih buruk lagi.

Lega dong ya kalau pulang?

Oh, tidak! Terutama jika sang suami tidak dapat pergi bekerja karena PSBB. Ia merasa “dikebiri” karena harus tinggal di rumah sementara istrinya, seorang perawat, harus pergi keluar untuk pergi bekerja. Coba tebak apa yang terjadi? Kekerasan dalam rumah tangga, yang pada umumnya terus meningkat di tengah pandemi ini.

Dengan peran gender tradisional yang berlaku, perempuan masih harus melakukan sebagian besar pekerjaan rumah dan berurusan dengan anak-anak yang tiba-tiba harus bersekolah di rumah. Itu kalau mereka bisa pulang.

Dengan melimpahnya pasien akibat COVID-19, sering para perawat harus tinggal selama berminggu-minggu di klinik atau rumah sakit.

Bayangkan stres dan rasa takut akan kemungkinan terinfeksi dan meninggal, yang memang terjadi, terutama karena perawat tidak selalu dilengkapi dengan alat pelindung diri (APD) yang memadai. Tidak ada pakaian hazmat? Hei, tidak masalah, jas hujan plastik pun jadi!

Seperti yang ditulis Clare Wright, ahli sejarah Universitas La Trobe, Melbourne, dalam The Guardian: "Pandemi bukanlah perang, tetapi petugas kesehatan kita adalah pahlawan."

Namun, alih-alih diperlakukan seperti itu, Boni menemukan dalam penelitiannya bahwa perawat distigmatisasi dan diperlakukan seperti paria ketika mereka kembali ke komunitas mereka, karena ketakutan terinfeksi.

Jelas bahwa anak-anak mereka menderita. Aku melihat foto menyedihkan dalam presentasi Boni dari seorang bocah lelaki dengan ekspresi pilu di wajahnya sambil memegang poster bertuliskan: “Ibuku perawat. Ia menjauhkan diri dariku sehingga ia dapat membantu Anda." Duh!

Apa yang dialami perawat di Indonesia juga terjadi pada perawat di banyak negara lain. Meski apa yang mereka alami ekstrem, perawat sebenarnya melambangkan kehidupan banyak perempuan di seluruh dunia.

Tapi tunggu, ada kabar baik!

"Keenam negara dengan respons terbaik terhadap COVID-19 memiliki satu kesamaan: Pemimpin perempuan."

Ini adalah judul salah satu dari sekian banyak artikel yang kubaca dengan pengamatan yang sama. Negara-negara itu adalah Selandia Baru, Norwegia, Islandia, Jerman, Belgia dan Taiwan.

Di sisi lain, "COVID-19 dapat membawa perempuan mundur satu dekade dalam kesetaraan gender" adalah judul satu artikel dari sekian artikel lainnya dengan isi serupa.

Mengapa terjadi kesenjangan ini? Karena ini hanya enam negara dari 195 di dunia! Lagi pula, memiliki pemimpin perempuan saja tidak cukup; perspektif feminis atau gender harus diterapkan ke dalam setiap kebijakan nasional dan internasional!

Dalam dunia yang misoginis, hal ini merupakan perjuangan berat, tetapi dalam memerangi COVID-19, keenam pemimpin perempuan telah membuktikan bahwa mereka bisa lebih baik daripada rekan-rekan pria mereka yang overdosis hormon macho testosteron, jadi mungkin pemimpin perempuan bisa melakukan lebih baik dalam bidang lainnya juga!



Julia Suryakusuma adalah penulis buku Negara, Seks, dan Kekuasaan.

* Tulisan ini adalah terjemahan kolom berjudul “Virtuous women, virtual sex and COVID-19”, yang diterbitkan di The Jakarta Post, 29 April 2020. Ia diterbitkan di sini dengan seizin Julia Suryakusuma.

Thursday, April 30, 2020

Book Sale


“Ini sebuah buku yang lama saya bayangkan untuk melihat Indonesia, separuh reportase jurnalistik, separuh penjelajahan atas berbagai literatur, dan keduanya dijalin dengan narasi layaknya sebuah catatan perjalanan. Ini memungkinkan Andreas untuk menengok ruang-ruang sempit yang mungkin sering terabaikan, seperti bicara dengan peziarah di makam Soekarno, atau dengan saudari tiri pemimpin kharismatik Aceh. Cara seperti ini juga membuatnya leluasa untuk masuk ke konflik-konflik besar, semacam revolusi kemerdekaan maupun tragedi 65, tapi juga problem-problem sektarian lokal yang terjadi di mana-mana. Sebuah kesaksian luar biasa mengenai saling-sengkarutnya peta kekuasaan yang berkelindan dengan sentimen ras dan agama.”

Eka Kurniawan, novelis, Cantik Itu Luka dan Lelaki Harimau



KHUSUS pembeli di Indonesia, Monash University Publishing memberi rabat untuk buku Race, Islam and Power: Ethnic and Religious Violence in Post-Suharto Indonesia seharga Rp 550,000 (termasuk ongkos kirim).

Transfer Bank Central Asia nomor 5800159930. Kirimkan bukti transfer kepada Ruth Ogetay: +62-813-1544-9128. Andreas Harsono akan menandatangani buku yang dibeli lewat blog ini. Mohon kirim nama lengkap. Ruth Ogetay akan kirim lewat ekspedisi atau pos atau tergantung lokasi. Biasanya tiga hari sampai di Pulau Jawa. Luar Jawa perlu sedikit hari lagi.


Resensi

Podcast: Ubud Writers' and Readers' Festival featuring Janet Steele and Andreas Harsono
Andreas Harsono has covered Indonesia for Human Rights Watch since 2008. His new book Race, Islam and Power: Ethnic and Religious Violence in Post-Suharto Indonesia is the result of his 15-year project to document how race and religion have become increasingly prevalent in the nation’s politics.

South East Asia Research: Race, Islam and Power

South China Morning Post:
Is Indonesian democracy doomed to repeat a cycle of violence?

The Jakarta Post: ‘Race, Islam and Power’ A troubling tour through a pained land

Asia Pacific Report: Indonesia’s political system has ‘failed’ its minorities – like West Papuans

Human Rights Watch: New Book on Ethnic, Religious Violence

Wednesday, April 29, 2020

Virtuous women, virtual sex and COVID-19

A pregnant woman wearing a face mask as a precautionary measure walks past a street mural in Hong Kong, on March 23, 2020. (AFP/Anthony Wallace)

Julia Suryakusuma

BOY, am I glad I am way past my childbearing years! Imagine being pregnant, especially for the first time, and having a baby during this unprecedented global pandemic. Not only do you have fears of being infected, you would also be worried sick that your unborn baby could be too.

An expectant mother needs to have regular prenatal visits. How do you do that with the social distancing regulation in place? Well actually, there is such a thing as teleconsultation, to replace in-person visits, but they are still relatively few in Indonesia.

What about contraception that needs replenishing every one to three months? Or emergency contraception (the morning-after pill). That certainly is something that can’t be done virtually. Virtual sex, anyone?

Pregnancy was one of the topics discussed at the second International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (INFID) webinar on women and COVID-19 held on Friday, presented by Zumrotin K. Susilo from the Women Health Foundation, the first speaker.

The second speaker was Nani Zulminarni, founder and director of the Women-Headed Household Empowerment Foundation (PEKKA). She spoke about the fate of PEKKA members, many of who are women daily workers unable to earn an income due to social distancing: farmers and farm laborers (37 percent), market vendors (15 percent), handicraft and food producers (9 percent), services (9 percent), factory workers (6 percent), teachers (2 percent), office workers (1 percent), fisherwomen (1 percent), civil servants, police, military, retirees (1 percent) and the unemployed (19 percent).

Only about 4 percent earned Rp 2 million (US$129.10) per month, over 10 percent earned between Rp 500,000 and Rp 1 million, over 45 percent earned less than Rp 500,000 and 19 percent had no income at all. Many were already in a cycle of poverty but without any external assistance, the COVID-19 literally puts them in a dead end. And with women-headed households making up 17 to 25 percent of households in Indonesia, we are talking big numbers here.

Nur Iman “Boni” Subono, the third speaker, on the editorial board of Jurnal Perempuan (Indonesian Feminist Journal) since its inception in 1995, drew attention to those at the front line of the battle against the coronavirus: nurses. First of all, the ratio of medical workers (including nurses) to the general population is 1:100,000. So pandemic or not, don’t get sick, OK? Especially if you are poor.

As of 2019, nurses in Indonesia number 345,508, with almost half in Java and the rest spread out thinly in other areas.

Even in normal times, nurses are vulnerable to workplace violence, but in the current pandemic atmosphere of fear, frustration and stress, they become punching bags in all areas of their lives. In the workplace, they are treated harshly, threatened, even raped. On the way to work, they face bullying, sexual harassment and worse.

What a relief to come home, no? No. Especially if the husband can’t go to work because of large-scale social restrictions (PSBB), feeling emasculated because he has to stay at home while his wife, a nurse, has to go out to go to work. Guess what happens? Domestic violence, which is on the rise generally anyway.

With traditional gender roles still in place, women still have to do the bulk of housework and to deal with restless kids who suddenly have to be schooled at home — if the nurses can go home, that is.
With the overload of patients, COVID-19 and otherwise, sometimes they have to stay for weeks at their workplace.

Imagine the extreme stress and fear of getting infected and dying, which does happen, especially since they are not always provided with adequate personal protective equipment (PPE). No hazmat suit? Hey, no problem, plastic raincoats will do!

As Clare Wright wrote in The Guardian: “A pandemic isn’t a war, but our healthcare workers are heroes.” However, instead of being treated as such, Boni found in his research that nurses are stigmatized and treated like pariahs when they return to their communities who fear being infected.

And obviously, their children suffer. I saw a heartbreaking photo in Boni’s presentation of a little boy with a distraught look on his face holding up a sign that read: “My mother is a nurse. She distances herself from me so that she can help you.”

What nurses in Indonesia experience also happens to nurses in many other countries. And while what they experience may be extreme, nurses — as caregivers — actually epitomize the life of many women worldwide, even in this day and age.

But wait, good news! “All six countries with the best response to COVID-19 have one thing in common: Women leaders.” This is the title of one of several articles I read with the same observation. These countries are New Zealand, Norway, Iceland, Germany, Belgium and Taiwan.

On the other hand, “COVID-19 Could Set Women Back Decades on Gender Equality” is the title of another article that typifies many others with similar messages.

Why the gap? It’s only six countries out of 195 in the world! And anyway, simply having a woman leader is not enough; a feminist or gender perspective has to be included in every national and international policy.

In a misogynistic world, that’s an uphill battle, but in combating COVID-19, the six women leaders have proven that they can do better than their testosterone-laden counterparts, so perhaps they can do better in other areas as well!


The writer is the author of Sex, Power and Nation.

Sunday, April 26, 2020

Buat L.Ch & A.B.


Catatan Irawan Saptono dari Salatiga (26 April 2020): Ini sajak Widji Thukul, penyair kiri pendiri Jaringan Kerja Kebudayaan Rakyat, untuk Leila Chairani dan Arief Budiman. Thukul diburu tentara Orde Baru, menyingkir dari rumahnya di Jagalan, Solo, mampir dan menginap di rumah Arief Budiman di perbukitan Bugel, Salatiga. Thukul tak pernah mengetuk pintu rumah Leila lagi hingga Arief meninggal kemarin lusa. Ia hilang, dihilangkan secara paksa. Mudah-mudahan hari ini mereka bisa berjumpa di suatu tempat entah di mana.


Widji Thukul

darahku mengalir hangat lagi
setelah puluhan jam
sendi-sendi tulangku beku
kurang gerak

badanku panas lagi
setelah nasi sepiring
sambel kecap dan telur goreng
tandas bersama tegukan air
dari bibir gelas keramik yang kau ulurkan dengan senyum manismu

kebisuan berhari-hari
kita pecahkan pagi itu
dengan salam tangan
pertanyaan
dan kabar-kabar hangat

pagi itu
budimu menjadi api

tapi aku harus pergi lagi
mungkin tahun depan
atau entah kapan
akan kuketuk lagi
daun pintumu
bukan sebagai buron



Wednesday, April 22, 2020

Renungan soal Wabah Covid19 dari Senayan


Pada 19 Februari berangkat
ke Amsterdam dgn masker N95.
Kami sekeluarga mulai karantina mandiri sejak 12 Maret 2020 --atau 10 hari sesudah pengumuman pertama dua kasus coronavirus oleh Presiden Joko Widodo pada 2 Maret.

Kami praktis tak keluar rumah walau sempat mendatangi upacara pernikahan anak tetangga pada 14 Maret di daerah Cilandak, Jakarta Selatan. Kami hanya berada di gereja tersebut tak sampai 30 menit. Seram juga lihat ratusan orang berkumpul dalam upacara nikah itu.

Sapariah dan saya sebenarnya sudah kuatir dengan wabah coronavirus ini sejak awal Februari 2020. Saya pribadi memperhatikan ketika provinsi Hubei (ibukota Wuhan) dikunci oleh pemerintah Tiongkok pada 23 Januari 2020. Ada penerbangan langsung Wuhan-Jakarta dan Wuhan-Bali setiap hari.

Pada 19 Februari, ketika harus terbang ke Amsterdam, lalu naik kereta api ke Paris, saya praktis tak berjabat tangan. Saya bahkan pakai masker tipe N95 ketika berada di tempat ramai termasuk bandar udara. Virus tersebut sudah ditemukan positif di Malaysia, Singapura dan Thailand. Saya kuatir di Indonesia juga sudah ada walau belum ada bukti sampai 2 Maret.

Makan malam di Paris.
Di Paris, saya ikut pertemuan tahunan Human Rights Watch, selama seminggu di Paris Marriott Rive Gauche Hotel & Conference Center.

Saya sempat makan malam --sate, nasi goreng, dan es campur-- di Restaurant Indonesia. Ada Ibaruri, putri dari ketua Partai Komunis Indonesia, D.N. Aidit, maupun Nita, putri dari Sobron Aidit, salah satu pendiri restoran tersebut serta saudara D.N, menyambut saya di sana. Mereka membicarakan bagaimana Arief Budiman, dosen saya di Salatiga, pertama kali menulis restoran tersebut. Masih ada kliping esai Arief ditaruh di pigura.

Saya juga sempat berhenti di Brussels dan Amsterdam, bertemu dengan beberapa kenalan. Di Amsterdam, saya lihat bandar Schiphol jauh lebih sepi dari biasa. Brussels dan Paris terlihat tak ada kekuatiran terhadap wabah. Orang masih jalan. Museum ramai. Restoran ramai.

Belakangan saya tahu bahwa pada 18 Februari ada pertemuan selama lima hari dari gereja Christian Open Door (Église Porte Ouverte Chrétienne) di Mulhouse, sebuah kota kecil di Perancis, dimana banyak orang dari berbagai benua datang. Setidaknya 2,500 orang Kristen terbukti terkena coronavirus di Mulhouse. Kini sudah setidaknya 21,000 orang meninggal karena wabah di Perancis.

Saya kembali ke Jakarta pada 1 Maret 2020 dan keesokan harinya Jokowi mengumumkan dua kasus pertama di Depok.

Kembali ke tanah air, saya tak bisa membatalkan tiga janji kuliah di Surabaya dan Yogyakarta pada 9-11 Maret. Saya sekali lagi berjalan dengan masker dan alkohol buat bersihkan tangan. Berkali-kali saya mohon maaf buat mahasiswa dan dosen di Universitas Ciputra (Surabaya) dan Universitas Gadjah Mada (Yogyakarta) maupun Pergerakan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia (Surabaya) bahwa saya tak berjabat tangan.

Mereka maklum karena Jakarta sudah dianggap sebagai episentrum wabah.

Di Yogyakarta, saya menginap di rumah adik saya, Yohana Harsono, serta mengobrol dengan suaminya Benny Gunawan. Sebuah kesenangan kecil bertemu dengan dua keponakan saya. Rumah mereka didisain sendiri dengan apik.

Pada Januari, saya ingin batal ikut
pertemuan di Paris namun sulit
karena sudah beli tiket. 
Pada 11 Maret malam, saya tiba di Jakarta dan keesokan hari saya praktis sudah menolak bertemu orang kecuali satu janji dengan Kedutaan Selandia Baru atau beberapa kawan dekat datang ke rumah.


Secara umum, dalam beberapa naskah dan wawancara, saya mengatakan pemerintah harus meningkatkan jumlah tes dan transparansi data dalam menghadapi wabah ini.

Sebuah pernyataan saya, lewat siaran pers Human Rights Watch, cukup sering dikutip media, “The Indonesian government needs to ramp up testing to know the true extent of the coronavirus outbreak in the country. The authorities should also uphold the right to information and provide accurate statistics to the public.”

Worldometer menunjukkan bahwa Indonesia adalah salah satu negara dengan tingkat tes terendah di dunia. Hanya 204 orang dites per sejuta penduduk Indonesia. Bandingkan dengan 2.043 per sejuta orang di Thailand, 3.515 per sejuta orang di Malaysia, atau 24,738 per sejuta orang di Jerman.

Seseorang menulis dalam tanggapan Twitter saya, "... the U.S. had tested in average 150,000 people in a single day. Indonesia has tested less in 3 months than USA is testing every 8 hrs.”

Perbandingannya, di Amerika Serikat, sudah 45,000 orang meninggal karena coronavirus. Di Indonesia, "hanya" ada 635 korban meninggal.

Saya kuatir angka resmi tersebut tak mencerminkan kenyataan di lapangan. Sedikitnya tes ini menunjukkan pemerintahan Jokowi belum siap hadapi wabah. Alat laboratorium, pakaian pengaman, zat kimia maupun organisasi dan prosedur belum siap.

Sampai hari ini tes masih dilakukan kurang dari 56,000 orang untuk negara dengan penduduk 280 juta ini. Ini belum lagi dengan kematian para pekerja kesehatan. Sudah lebih dari 40 dokter dan perawat meninggal karena coronavirus.

Di Surabaya, saya melatih aktivis
Pergerakan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia

pada 9 Maret --tanpa jabatan tangan.
Dampak dari kekurangan ini adalah dimunculkan beberapa istilah resmi soal wabah ini: ODP (Orang Dalam Pengamatan); PDP (Pasien Dalam Pengamatan) maupun OTG (Orang Tanpa Gejala).

Di negara-negara dengan tes memadai, istilahnya cuma satu saja: positif atau negatif. Perhatikan Worldometer. Tak ada ODP, PDP atau OTG.

Semuanya hanya menggambarkan bahwa Kementerian Kesehatan belum sanggup bikin tes secara memadai. Sampai pertengahan Maret hanya ada satu laboratorium di Jakarta buat menguji virus ini. Kini sudah ada 28 laboratorium namun belasan provinsi masih belum punya lab buat lakukan tes.

Tanpa tes yang memadai, kita ibaratnya masuk pertempuran melawan wabah ini dengan "mata tertutup." Di Jakarta, kita tak tahu cluster mana saja yang ada. Beberapa media menyebut ada cluster di Petamburan. Ada juga cluster dari Karawang, Bogor dan Sumedang.

Kelemahan ini bukan kejahatan. Mungkin beberapa orang yang mengambil kebijakan ini teledor, bahkan ceroboh.

Namun meratapi kecerobohan atau kebodohan mereka takkan membawa perubahan. Pemerintahan Jokowi berusaha mengadakan mesin laboratorium lebih banyak juga mesin ventilator yang vital dalam mengatasi kesulitan bernafas di paru-paru pasien. Di seluruh Indonesia jumlah ventilator tak lebih dari 9000. Saya menghargai langkah-langkah kecil ini walau terlambat.

Saya sempat menulis puisi pendek soal udara Jakarta yang bersih berkat wabah:

Jakarta terlihat cantik minggu ini. 
Langit biru, awan putih empuk, pepohonan hijau, bunga bermekaran.
Pejalan kaki tenang, tanpa kuatir trotoar mereka dirampas motor atau mobil.
Semua terlihat tenang dan aman. 

Mirip intro film horor yang menegangkan.


Dalam suasana mencemaskan, takkan terhindar, selalu saja ada orang yang mencari keuntungan besar. Misalnya, soal kursus online lewat perusahaan milik seorang penasehat Jokowi. Atau program kredit, juga lewat perusahaan milik penasehat Jokowi lainnya. Ada conflict of interest. Saya kira perlu ada wartawan atau peneliti mulai merekam tindak-tanduk orang beginian.

Jakarta malam hari saat wabah.
Di berbagai media sosial, saya perhatikan banyak orang kuatir krisis kesehatan ini akan menjadi krisis ekonomi. Bila berkepanjangan, seperti 1997-98, krisis ekonomi bisa berubah jadi krisis sosial karena bahan pangan berkurang dalam jumlah besar.

Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, tak kalah licin, membahas beberapa rancangan hukum yang kontroversial, termasuk Omnibus Law maupun Kitab Undang-undang Hukum Pidana. Ini menyakitkan sekali. Ini akan bikin marah banyak orang bila tiba-tiba produk hukum yang sering diprotes tersebut resmi disahkan.

Saya pernah meneliti dan menulis buku soal kekerasan pasca-krisis ekonomi Asia --Race, Islam and Power: Ethnic and Religious Violence in Post-Suharto Indonesia-- dimana lebih dari 90,000 orang mati dibunuh di berbagai tempat di Indonesia. Masa krisis ini adalah masa dimana orang seyogyanya mengedepankan kepentingan masyarakat daripada lakukan business as usual. Parlemen memang tetap harus bekerja. Perusahaan juga tetap harus bekerja. Namun lakukan demi kepentingan publik. Bukan bisnis dan manuver biasa.

Saya harap krisis ekonomi ini tak berkepanjangan sampai tahun depan.

Langit Jakarta biru, awan putih,
polusi udara minimal, dalam
suasana wabah ini.
Bila baca buku sejarah soal wabah flu Spanyol pada 1918, korban gelombang kedua jauh lebih besar dari gelombang pertama. Wabah tersebut membunuh setidaknya 50 juta orang di seluruh dunia termasuk 675,000 di Amerika Serikat.

Mengapa? Orang cenderung senang ketika pemerintah mengumumkan lockdown selesai dan keluar rumah, bersenang-senang. Capek sekali tinggal dalam rumah berbulan-bulan bukan?

Artinya, sesudah lockdown ini, ketika dibuka, tetaplah berhati-hati karena ia masih bisa mematikan, bahkan lebih mematikan.

Kita tak tahu kapan wabah ini berhenti dan bagaimana akan berhenti. Ia sangat tergantung ditemukan vaksin buat lawan coronavirus. Saya hanya tahu kami sekeluarga sudah enam minggu berada di rumah kami --mengatur pekerjaan rumah tangga bersama, bekerja bersama, mendampingi anak-anak serta komunikasi dengan berbagai kawan dan kolega. Kami sekeluarga seyogyanya juga harus bersiap bila wabah ini berlarut-larut sampai tahun depan.

Saturday, April 11, 2020

Kematian Seorang Waria

Dibakar hidup-hidup di Cilincing, Mira bangkit dan pulang sendiri ke rumah.

Andreas Harsono

Kamar Mira di Gang Salak, Cilincing, ketika Yuri Irawan, kenalan waria mengunjungi pada 10 April 2020. Mira meninggalkan kamar ini pada 4 April dini hari ketika dijemput beberapa preman. Mira tak pernah kembali ke kamar sederhana miliknya.

©Irfan Akhmad
WARIA itu dituduh mencuri dompet dan telepon genggam, pada 4 April 2020 dini hari, di tempat parkir truk di Cilincing, pelabuhan Tanjung Priok, di utara metropolitan Jakarta. Si empunya dompet, seorang sopir, mengadu kepada beberapa preman, yang menjaga tempat tersebut.

Mereka pun mendatangi Mira di kamar kost sederhana miliknya, rumah dua lantai, di Gang Salak. Mira, yang seorang pekerja seks dan sering “mejeng” di tempat parkir, membantah. Mereka mengajak Mira datang ke tempat parkir –nama resminya Longroom New Priok Container-- sekitar 500 meter dari kontrakan, naik sepeda motor.

Mira kenal para preman. Dia bersedia ikutan.

Di tempat parkir, sang sopir melancarkan tuduhan. Ada sekitar 25 sopir, kenek, kuli angkutan, menyaksikan. Mira terdesak, tak kuasa membela diri. Seorang waria, seorang pekerja seks yang mulai menua, adalah minoritas ganda yang terlalu sering disingkirkan, dianggap menyimpang dan tak berdaya menghadapi tuduhan di tengah malam di sebuah tempat yang keras di Jakarta.

Beberapa preman menunjuk-nunjuk kepalanya, memukulnya. Mira lemas, jongkok. Lirih dia tetap membantah. Seorang jagoan meningkatkan intimidasi dengan menuangkan dua liter bensin ke kepala Mira. Dia diancam dibakar. Hanya Orin, sesama waria, buang suara dan minta panggil polisi. Korek api dinyalakan, didekatkan ke Mira —percik api jatuh ke pakaian dan tubuh Mira.

Wuuuuuuuusss.

Membara dengan cepat, api membakar rambutnya, sampai gundul, wajahnya gosong.

Semua lari. Sopir, kenek, semuanya membubarkan diri. Orin juga lari. Mira dibakar hidup-hidup.

"Yang bakar itu berusaha memadamkan, disiram pakai air. Terus bajunya Mira dilepasin, akhirnya ada got, Mira digeret dan dipadamkan gitu," kata Orin.

Mira lantas keluar dari got, dalam tubuh penuh luka, bangkit, jalan kaki, terseok-seok mau balik ke kontrakan. Entah apa yang ada dalam pikirannya. Dia jatuh terduduk dekat musala sampai beberapa orang datang, mencari bantuan, serta dibawa ke rumah sakit Koja ketika adzan subuh mulai bergema di Cilincing.

Keesokan harinya, Minggu, 5 April 2020, Mira meninggal dunia. Para kenalan dan kawan mengumpulkan sumbangan Rp 4 juta –dikumpulkan lewat Bu RT—buat membayar rumah sakit dan mengubur Mira.

Waria adalah bagian dari minoritas gender yang sering disingkat LGBTIQ –istilah bahasa Inggris, artinya, lesbian, gay, biseksual, transgender, intersex dan queer. Mereka mengalami diskriminasi, penghinaan, penangkapan, ironisnya, sesudah Reformasi mulai bergulir di Indonesia.

Menurut “Catatan Kelam 12 Tahun Persekusi LGBT di Indonesia” karya Arus Pelangi, 88 persen korban kriminalisasi LGBTIQ adalah para transgender atau waria. Mira hanya lulusan sekolah dasar di Makassar. Dia lari dari penolakan keluarga –seperti kebanyakan waria—sehingga tak bisa sekolah dan kebanyakan kerja di salon, menjajakan seks atau menghibur di jalanan. Dia lantas pindah ke Jakarta, mengadu nasib tanpa pendidikan bahkan tanpa KTP.

Arus Pelangi mencatat ada 49 produk hukum dan kebijakan di Indonesia yang diskriminatif dan bisa dipakai buat kriminalisasi LGBTIQ. Ia mulai dari UU Anti Pornografi 2008 –menilai kegiatan seks sesama jenis sebagai “menyimpang”—sampai Qanun Jinayah 2014 di Aceh yang menghukum individu yang terlibat kegiatan tersebut maksimal 100 cambukan atau penjara 100 bulan.

Polsek Cilincing menangkap beberapa preman dengan dugaan “pengeroyokan” –bukan pembunuhan— juga memeriksa Orin. Tanpa KTP, polisi bingung mencantumkan umur Mira. Bahkan nama lahirnya juga tak diketahui. Seseorang menyebut asal saja, Mira berumur 42 tahun.

“Biadab betul ya ampun,” kata seorang netizen.

“Harusnya yang menyaksikan ditangkap juga karena membiarkan terjadinya pembunuhan,” kata lainnya.

Mira dipukuli. Mira dibakar hidup-hidup. Mungkin Mira tak kenal Qanun Jinayah atau UU Anti Pornografi. Mira hanya tahu dia selalu dirudung kesusahan, sejak muda, karena orientasi seksual dan identitas gendernya.

Sebagian besar waria di Indonesia memang ditolak keluarga. Ketika masih kecil, mereka dihina entah di sekolah, di rumah, akhirnya lari ketika remaja. Tanpa pendidikan, mereka minta bantuan dari sesama waria. Di Makassar, orang macam Mira mungkin bisa menjadi “bissu” --kaum pendeta dalam agama tradisional Tolotang, yang makin sedikit pemeluknya.

Indonesia yang berubah seyogyanya juga memberikan hak kepada mereka sebagai warga negara: pendidikan, administrasi negara, kesehatan dan hak mereka mencintai. Setidaknya Mira bangkit, berjalan dan jatuh dekat musala, meregang nyawa di rumah sakit dan mati. Mira mau bangkit, berjalan, mungkin mau menunjukkan bahwa keadilan dan kebenaran harus ditegakkan.

***

Andreas Harsono pernah kerja di sebuah perusahaan truk Semarang pada 1992-1993, beberapa kali bertugas di Cilincing, Jakarta.

‘Religious harmony’ regulation brings anything but

Andreas Harsono
The Jakarta Post

A bi-weekly protest outside the Merdeka Palace in Jakarta over the closures of houses of worship in Indonesia. GKI Yasmin in Bogor and HKBP Filadelfia in Bekasi, outside Jakarta, two churches that organize this bi-weekly service, were closed in 2008 and 2011 respectively. These two churches sued the local governments that sanctioned the closures and won their cases in the Supreme Court. But local authorities have not respected the Supreme Court ruling. 

In March, 15 Indonesians filed a lawsuit with the Supreme Court arguing that the government’s shuttering of thousands of houses of worship was being done under a discriminatory law and therefore should not be allowed to happen.

The 15 men and women filing the suit said that authorities had closed thousands of houses of worship, mostly Christian churches, under the discriminatory regulation. It also used the law as a pretext to close down Ahmadiyah and Shiite mosques as well as shrines of local ethnic religions. In some Christian-dominated provinces, it was sometimes used as an excuse to close Sunni mosques.

The people filling the case mostly live in Greater Jakarta, with one woman living in Bali.

“We want every citizen to have the freedom to worship, with equal rights, without any exception. We want our voice to be listened to,” said petitioner Nancy Angela Hendriks, arguing that the regulation contradicted Indonesia’s Constitution, which guarantees equality and religious freedom. A prominent Muslim cleric, Nuril Arifin Husein, and some ethnic Batak and Minahasan leaders backed them up, joining the petitioners when registering the lawsuit.

The 2006 regulation essentially permits regional governments to license the construction of houses of worship. It states that the construction or renovation of houses of worship should be based on the “real needs” and “composition of the population” in the area. It is more restrictive than earlier regulations on houses of worship. A permit requires:

  • A list of names and ID cards of at least 90 people who will use the house of worship with the approval of the village head;
  • A support letter from at least 60 people living in the area, also with the endorsement of the village head;
  • A written recommendation from the local branch of the Religious Affairs Ministry;
  • A written recommendation from the local branch of the Interfaith Communication Forum (FKUB).

The problem lies mostly with the FKUB. Governors, regents and mayors decide who will be members of the forum. According to the regulation, the composition of members should be “proportionate” to the percentage of worshippers in each area, creating, the lawsuit says, a body where minority religions are not given an equal voice.

Jakarta, for example, is 85 percent Muslim, meaning that 85 percent of the 21 members should be Muslim clerics. In Bali, 83 percent of the forum members should be Balinese Hindu leaders.

In practice, the regulation lets the majority religious group in each area have veto power over religious minorities. As a result, most minorities in predominantly Sunni Muslim Indonesia have difficulties establishing or renovating their houses of worship. About 88 percent of Indonesia's 260 million people are Muslims.

In 2014, when running for president, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s campaign team promised to remove this regulation, saying that it was used mostly to close down religious minorities’ houses of worship. Jokowi, however, never followed through on this pledge. In 2019, when running for reelection, Jokowi picked Muslim cleric Ma’ruf Amin, who drafted the regulation in 2005, to be his vice president.

Ahmadiyah mosque closed in Depok.
The veto power has empowered Muslim extremists to take the law into their own hands, pressuring local governments to close down houses of worship of minority religions. It’s not clear how many churches were closed down as the Religious Affairs Ministry does not publish data on this. BBC Indonesia estimated “hundreds” were closed in a decade. Tirto.id media outlet listed 32 churches that were closed under Jokowi’s first five years in office.

Human Rights Watch documented how former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who ruled from 2004-2014, created discriminatory regulations, including this one, which facilitated religious intolerance and related violence. Under Yudhoyono, more churches closed down than under any other president.

Still, some Christian churches managed to secure permits initially, but Muslim extremists later demanded their closure. Local authorities ordered two churches, GKI Yasmin in Bogor and HKBP Filadelfia in Bekasi, outside Jakarta, to close in 2008 and 2011 respectively. These two churches sued the local governments that sanctioned the closures and won their cases in the Supreme Court. But local authorities have not respected the Supreme Court ruling and both churches remain closed – tall grass grows over their compounds.

Many Muslim communities in Muslim-majority areas built mosques over the last decade easily, sometimes without permits, arguing that they could easily obtain the permits due to their majority status.

In 2010, the Religious Affairs Ministry listed 243,199 mosques throughout Indonesia, around 78 percent of all houses of worship. Now, an ongoing government census, using drones and photographs, has registered at least 554,152 mosques. The census – which kicked off in 2013 – is only about 75 percent done, said team leader Fakhry Affan. The figure suggests that the number of mosques has more than doubled in a decade.

Human Rights Watch has repeatedly expressed concerns that harassment and violence against religious minorities in Indonesia is facilitated by laws that purport to maintain “religious harmony” but in practice undermine religious freedom. The 1945 Constitution explicitly guarantees freedom of religion, as does the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Indonesia is a party.

It’s now Indonesian citizens themselves looking for justice. The Supreme Court will hear this lawsuit, but it is important for the government to also consider the impact of the houses of worship decree. The government should seek to amend or revoke regulations that discriminate against religious minorities, including the 2006 regulation, the 1965 Blasphemy Law and multiple regulations that have followed on from the Blasphemy Law. President Jokowi should have the courage to respect what the Supreme Court had ordered, at a minimum reopening the GKI Yasmin and HKBP Filadelfia churches in a bid to respect the law of the land.

***

Andreas Harsono is Senior Indonesia researcher for Human Rights Watch.

Friday, April 03, 2020

Fatal Shooting in a Mining Town in Papua

Indonesian Police Should Invite Independent Investigation

Andreas Harsono
Human Rights Watch

Eight armed men attacked a mining area in Timika, Papua in easternmost Indonesia earlier this week. They shot and killed Graeme Thomas Wall, a New Zealand miner, and wounded four Indonesian workers, two seriously.

Jeffrey Bomanak, the commander of the West Papua Liberation Army, the military wing of the rebel Free Papua Organization, claimed responsibility. Their spokesperson warned employees of Grasberg gold mine, which is operated by PT Freeport Indonesia (PTFI), to leave Papua’s mining areas, which the group declared in 2017 to be “a battle zone.”

The Indonesian police are responsible for investigating the attack and bringing the perpetrators to account. But they should not violate the rights of ordinary Papuans, as happened in 2002 after the fatal shooting of two American teachers and an Indonesian teacher in Timika.

Years after the shooting, in 2006, Indonesian police rounded up a local church leader and his two assistants, while credible reports linking the attack to the Indonesian military were never pursued. The three church workers were wrongfully convicted of “aiding a suspect” when they had actually helped United States investigators interview the criminal suspect.

New Zealand police should offer to send a team to help Indonesian investigators. Criminal investigation in a place such as Timika, with numerous competing political and business interests, is best carried out by an independent investigative team removed from local issues.

Grasberg is the world’s largest gold mine, in operation since 1967, and its owner PTFI says there are more than 1,000 Indonesian security forces and hundreds more private security personnel in the area. Many armed gangs, with various ethnic affiliations, also operate in Timika.

Killings in Timika are not uncommon, though killings of foreigners are rare. In 2015, a local newspaper editor said that since 2003, at least 45 men were shot and killed along the 79-mile route between Timika and Grasberg gold mine, including an Australian miner in 2009. Yet no one has been held to account for these killings.

As well as investigating this latest killing swiftly, the Indonesian government should also allow independent journalists, including from New Zealand’s media, to enter Papua without the region’s highly restrictive travel permit, so that they can freely investigate and report on this crime.

Tuesday, March 31, 2020

Buku dan Laporan


Diskusi buku "Agama" Saya Adalah Jurnalisme bersama Janet Steele di Ubud, Bali, 2017.

Saya menerbitkan dua antologi –Jurnalisme Sastrawi (2005) bersama Budi Setiyono dan “Agama” Saya Adalah Jurnalisme (2011)—serta beberapa laporan soal hak asasi manusia termasuk Prosecuting Political Aspiration: Indonesia’s Political Prisoners (2010) serta In Religion’s Name: Abuses Against Religious Minorities in Indonesia (2013).

Minat saya berputar soal dua tema tersebut: jurnalisme dan hak asasi manusia. Pada 2019, saya menerbitkan buku Race, Islam and Power yang saya kerjakan selama 15 tahun. Ia sebuah cerita perjalanan yang diramu dengan riset soal hak asasi manusia.

Race, Islam and Power (2019)

Buku ini adalah sebuah kisah perjalanan dari Pulau Sabang sampai Merauke, dari Pulau Miangas sampai Pulau Rote serta Ndana, pulau kecil dan kosong, selatan Rote, berbatasan dengan Australia. Ia digabung dengan berbagai bacaan soal kekerasan etnik dan agama di Indonesia sesudah kejatuhan Presiden Suharto pada Mei 1998.

Perjalanan tersebut makan waktu lima tahun, antara 2003 dan 2008, dilanjutkan dengan berbagai riset soal hukum internasional di bidang hak asasi manusia plus berbagai perundingan dengan penerbit buku. Total makan waktu 15 tahun.

Duncan Graham: ‘Race, Islam and Power’ A troubling tour through a pained land
David Robie: Indonesia’s political system has ‘failed’ its minorities – like West Papuans
Human Rights Watch: New Book on Ethnic, Religious Violence
"Race, Islam and Power" Book Commendations
Gunung Salak: Tempat Menyelesaikan Buku
Monash University Publishing: Race, Islam and Power
Sesudah 15 tahun, akhirnya buku terbit
More than 70 places for book reporting

In Religion’s Name: Abuses Against Religious Minorities in Indonesia (2013)

Human Rights Watch menerbitkan laporan ini pada Februari 2013 dengan sebuah video dan siaran pers yang merangkum isinya. Ini salah satu karya saya yang paling banyak menghasilkan esai turunan maupun wawancara di berbagai media.

Carnegie Council: "Religious Harmony" Regulations Creating Dissonance in Indonesia
The Guardian: Indonesia's courts have opened the door to fear and religious extremism
PBS: Indonesian province turns up Sharia law after devastating tsunami
New Mandala: Undoing Yudhoyono’s Sectarian Legacy
New York Times: Indonesia Is No Model for Muslim Democracy
Jakarta Globe: Sufi Muslims Feel the Heat of Indonesia’s Rising Intolerance

"Agama" Saya Adalah Jurnalisme (2011)

Antologi ini diluncurkan di Pekanbaru pada 6 Februari 2011. Ia diadakan oleh lembaga pers mahasiswa Bahana Mahasiswa dari Universitas Riau. Judulnya berasal dari sebuah wawancara radio. Ia terdiri dari empat bagian: laku wartawan (termasuk elemen dan etika jurnalisme); penulisan; dinamika ruang redaksi; serta peliputan termasuk dan teknik wawancara.

Bagaimana memesan buku "Agama" Saya Adalah Jurnalisme?
Peluncuran Antologi di Pekanbaru
Kaos 'Agama' Saya Adalah Jurnalisme dari Pekanbaru

Prosecuting Political Aspiration: Indonesia’s Political Prisoners (2010)

Ia sebuah laporan Human Rights Watch setebal 60 halaman soal tahanan politik Indonesia di Papua dan Maluku. Jumlahnya sekitar 110 orang termasuk 68 orang yang ditangkap karena menari cakalele dan membentangkan bendera Republik Maluku Selatan pada 2007 di Ambon. Tahanan politik adalah orang yang ditahan secara semena-mena karena kegiatan politik mereka secara damai, tanpa kekerasan. Ia membuat saya kenal banyak tahanan politik termasuk Filep Karma dari Papua.

Press Release: Stop Prosecuting Peaceful Political Expression
Belajar dari Filep Karma
Rolling Stone: Perjuangan Seorang Pegawai Negeri Papua
A Former Political Prisoner’s Fragile Freedom in Indonesia
Filep Karma: Seakan Kitorang Setengah Binatang: Rasialisme Indonesia di Tanah Papua

Jurnalisme Sastrawi (2005)


Buku "Jurnalisme Sastrawi" setebal 320 halaman ini bisa dibaca semua dalam blog saya. Ia terdiri dari kata pengantar "Ibarat Kawan Lama Datang Bercerita" serta delapan naskah karya kawan-kawan kami.

Budi Setiyono dan saya memilih dan menyunting semua karya dalam buku ini. Ia terbit mulanya pada 2005. Ia memberi sembilan pertimbangan bila seseorang hendak menulis karya panjang. Analisis dalam namun isinya memikat. Slogannya, panjang, dalam dan terasa.

Liputan Panjang (2001-2003)

Ada beberapa laporan panjang soal media dan hak asasi manusia, kebanyakan terbit di majalah Pantau.

Kecepatan, Ketepatan dan Perdebatan
Liputan bersama soal hari-hari terakhir Presiden Gus Dur di Istana Merdeka (September 2001).

Sembilan Elemen Jurnalisme
Resensi buku The Elements of Journalism karya Bill Kovach dan Tom Rosenstiel (Desember 2001).

Dewa dari Leuwinanggung
Bagaimana penyanyi Iwan Fals bangkit dari keresahannya sesudah kematian putranya Galang Rambu Anarki (Oktober 2002).

Hoakiao dari Jember
Wajah seorang Tionghoa kelahiran Pulau Jawa pada zaman Presiden Soeharto (Januari 2007).

Ahmadiyah, Rechtstaat dan Hak Asasi Manusia
Bagaimana melihat pelanggaran hak-hak asasi warga Ahmadiyah di Pulau Lombok dari aspek kenegaraan Indonesia?


Sunday, March 29, 2020

Harry Santoso died with the coronavirus infection in Jakarta


“He’s the best Dad I could ever ask for. He is very loving, and he never complains. He helped me in every possible way he could throughout his life, especially in making me closer to God. He was there to celebrate every milestone I achieved, and I know, he will always be here spiritually for my future.”

Jessie Renata, Harry Santoso's daughter, wrote about her father.


My college friend, Harry Santoso, died at a North Jakarta hospital on Thursday, March 26, after being hospitalized for five nights, with a lab confirming only earlier that Thursday that he had the coronavirus infection, his wife Indra Dewi said.

He began to feel sick –stomachache, dizziness, fever, nausea-- on March 12. He consulted his brother and nephew, who happened to be doctors themselves, diagnosing him to have typhoid. He slowed down but still helped work at his food vendor in the Sarinah mall, downtown Jakarta, on March 13, driving to buy and deliver supplies.

“Not many people wore masks then,” said Dewi.

On March 21, he decided to check in at the Pantai Indah Kapuk hospital, having a blood test, an X-ray and finally a CT scan. The doctors suspected he had contacted the coronavirus. They took his swab sample and sent it to the Ministry of Health lab (Balitbangkes). The hospital also immediately put him in the isolation ward.

Harry Santoso with wife Indra Dewi and their two children when celebrating their daughter's birthday.

His wife and two children could not get physically close to him since then. They only chatted with WhatsApp. The lab sent the result on March 26 and Harry died later that evening. Dewi only saw her husband’s body, via a video, before he was put inside a plastic bag. The three also isolated themselves, at home in Pantai Mutiara, North Jakarta, but they tested negative, still waiting for their second rapid test.

Coronavirus victims, like Harry, faced their deaths alone. He was buried at the Tegar Alur cemetery on March 27 without any ceremony, without any family member.

Today I checked the government website and saw seven confirmed virus cases in his Pluit district, North Jakarta. Harry might be the coronavirus case number 478 although Indra Dewi cannot confirm it. The website only says that positive patient is a 54-year-old man.

Dewi told me Harry was isolated with four other men, all coughing heavily. Female patients were isolated in another ward. This fact made me more cautious of the government’s data.

Indonesia is now facing a surge in coronavirus cases. The Health Ministry recorded 893 coronavirus cases on March 27 but the data is widely seen by health experts as understating the scale of infections because of a low rate of testing and a high mortality rate at 78 deaths --the highest in Southeast Asia. At least 10 Indonesian doctors have also died battling the outbreak with minimum protection, according to the Indonesian Medical Association.

Harry Santoso was born in Solo, Central Java, in 1966. He comes from an ethnic Chinese family, speaking Javanese fluently, like most Chinese in Central Java. I met Harry in 1984 when we began our engineering school at the Satya Wacana Christian University in Salatiga, Central Java. We went our separate ways after graduation.

Tantik Rahayu, another 1984 classmate, told me that Harry initially worked at PT Intikom Berlian Mustika, a part of the Salim Group. In 1994, when he married Indra Dewi, whose family owned the “Tayang Suki” restaurant, he began to enter the food industry. They set up the “Gading Aroma” seafood restaurant in Kelapa Gading area. We regularly met over the last two decades, mostly for the school reunion.

“Harry never got angry even when we get joked about him. Only a wry smile, always smiling. He never hurt his friends,” said Tantik.

In August 2016, I found in my Google Agenda that I had a lunch appointment with him plus Suwanto Gunawan, another classmate, in Harry’s restaurant. We chatted about our families, our works, but Suwanto talked about his plan to retire early, becoming a missionary in remote Papuan villages. Suwanto is a devout Evangelical Christian.

Indra Dewi remembered her husband’s devotion to their Catholic church, almost having daily prayers at their Stella Maris church, near Pantai Mutiara.

Jessie Renata, their daughter, wrote to me, “He’s the best Dad I could ever ask for. He is very loving, and he never complains. He helped me in every possible way he could throughout his life, especially in making me closer to God. He was there to celebrate every milestone I achieved, and I know, he will always be here spiritually for my future.”

They closed the seafood restaurant, setting up an outlet in the Sarinah mall earlier this year. Dewi suspected her husband got the infection prior to March 12. It could be have been at a supermarket like Superindo, at a traditional market or at the Sarinah,” said Dewi.

Dewi said the talk among her relatives, which include eight doctors, suspected that Jakarta had thousands of coronavirus cases. The official data is not able to cope with the reality in many Jakarta’s clinics and hospitals.

In February 2019, Harry Santoso (second left) visited a funeral home to pay his last respect to Suwanto Gunawan, another 1984 classmate, who died a day earlier. Suwanto was the first to die in our class. Now Harry is the second. 


Our last meeting was in February 2019 when we visited a funeral home in North Jakarta, paying our last respect to Suwanto Gunawan, the classmate, who died one day earlier because of a heart attack. Suwanto was the first to die in our class. Harry is the second. This coronavirus outbreak seems to be very personal now.

Harry is survived by his wife, two children –Jessie and her brother Jeffrey Renardi-- and two siblings, Dewi Tresnawati Santoso, who lives in Sweden, and Yudi Santoso, who lives in Canada.

Dewi wants to remember her husband as “a very simple person, very loving and serving his family and bringing us to be closer and rely on God in our lives.”

I remember him fondly today, and my love and thoughts are with his family.

Friday, January 31, 2020

Indonesia’s Silence over Xinjiang

One million Muslims detained. Mass surveillance. Political indoctrination. Separation of children.

By Maya Wang and Andreas Harsono
New Naratif

If human rights violations of this scope and scale were taking place in Europe or the United States, one would expect Muslim-majority countries, including Indonesia, to have erupted in protest. But so far, there has been little to no response. Why? Because these abuses are taking place in China.

Since 2014, the Chinese government has imposed a harsh “Strike Hard Campaign” in Xinjiang, in the northwest region of China, to “eradicate the ideological viruses” of “Islamic extremism” from the Turkic Muslim population. This campaign dramatically escalates Beijing’s longstanding conflation of Uyghur and other Muslims’ distinct cultural, linguistic, and religious identity with political disloyalty or “separatism”. The Chinese government considers a wide variety of religious behaviour to be “extremist”—such as giving babies certain religious names such as Medina, or wearing a veil.

Over the past two years, rights activists, journalists and academics have revealed the suffering of Xinjiang’s Muslims, who are being forced to shed their ethnic and religious identity. They are being transformed, through mass arbitrary detention in “political education” camps and other measures, into a new people loyal only to the Chinese Communist Party.

Over the past two years, rights activists, journalists and academics have revealed the suffering of Xinjiang’s Muslims, who are being forced to shed their ethnic and religious identity.

Despite overwhelming evidence from satellite imagery, official documents, and policing apps that demonstrate severe repression in Xinjiang, the Chinese government claims that these are malicious and false allegations. It lamely contends that people there are “voluntarily” attending “training centres,” that they have now “graduated,” and that that everyone in Xinjiang enjoys religious freedom.

The Chinese government has made an apparent bid to win the support of governments, religious figures, and civil society groups in Muslim-majority nations, including Indonesia, for its policies in Xinjiang. The relationships Chinese authorities have cultivated over the years in Indonesia—including through donations and other financial support, according to a December Wall Street Journal report—have proved useful.

The Chinese government invited top clerics from Nahdlatul Ulama, the Muhammadiyah, the Indonesian Ulama Council, and some Islamic political parties to China and Xinjiang on guided tours of the camps, following which many of the invitees sang the praises of the Chinese government for its version of what is happening in Xinjiang. Many also criticised “American media” or “Western organisations” for mischaracterising problems there. In the meantime, the Indonesian government has largely stayed silent on Xinjiang, insisting it is a domestic matter for the Chinese authorities.

Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah responded to the Wall Street Journal allegations that China manipulated them to ensure their silence by issuing a strongly worded statement on Xinjiang, calling on the Chinese government to “stop all violations of human rights especially against the Uyghur community, under whatever pretext.”

Last week, the Jakarta-based Narasi TV aired a ground-breaking investigative report on Xinjiang. Using satellite imagery, it showed how the Chinese government had manipulated those guided tours by removing barbed wires and other incriminating evidence prior to the visits, and by showing the Indonesian delegations only limited sections of Xinjiang’s political education camps.

Meanwhile, some Muslim and other nongovernmental groups, including the militant Islamic Defenders Front, expressed strong concerns. In December, there were protests against China’s treatment of Muslims outside China’s embassy in Jakarta. But many of these groups have also rallied against Indonesia’s religious minorities such as Christians and Ahmadiyya, so their actions seem more self-interested than principled.

Indonesia—which has played a positive role in the Rohingya refugee crisis—has shown its commitment to promoting rights elsewhere in the region. It should do no less for China’s Muslims.

The Indonesian government, along with the Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, should speak out against China’s treatment of Xinjiang’s Muslims and call for a fact-finding mission to the region, as the United Nations high commissioner for human rights has urged. They should demand information and the release of wrongfully detained Islamic scholars Hebibulla Tohti and Mohammed Salih Hajim, and Salih’s family members and associates. Some media reported Salih’s death in 2018, but a close family member says he is still alive. Such steps would be most effective if taken with other Muslim-majority countries, such as Malaysia, or members of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation.

All governments dealing with China need to consider economic and security issues along with human rights concerns. But Indonesia—which has played a positive role in the Rohingya refugee crisis—has shown its commitment to promoting rights elsewhere in the region. It should do no less for China’s Muslims.