Saturday, June 13, 1998
The Nation (Bangkok) Editorial & Opinion
With the economy falling into an abyss and the government on its knees, only new elections can restore credibility, writes Andreas Harsono.
WHEN dozens of people broke into a spacious house in Gunung Sahari Street at the height of the May riots in Jakarta, they knew well that the highly-fenced, dimly-lit building belonged to Indonesia's number one tycoon, Liem Sioe Liong alias Sudono Salim. ''The dog of Suharto,'' brayed one of the uninvited visitors.
The mob entered the house, ransacked the building and took a larger-than-life portrait of Salim out to the street, where they mocked the China-born Indonesian, an old friend of then-President Suharto. Elsewhere throughout Jakarta, Salim's Bank Central Asia, the biggest bank in Indonesia, saw 122 of its 400 branches pillaged. More than 110 automatic teller machines were reportedly damaged by the vandals and stripped of cash.
The message was clear. Massive price hikes, rising unemployment, endemic corruption, rampant cronyism, runaway inflation and repressive government have cumulatively moved the poor to rebel, especially after the slayings of four Indonesian students on May 12.
On May 14-16, thousands of Jakarta's workers, unemployed youths and even children vandalised and set on fire some 119 shopping centres, 13 traditional markets, and thousands of houses and cars. A disciplined, student-led movement however later occupied the Indonesian parliament building which eventually forced Suharto to step down on May 21.
A glorious victory?
Not quite, say many observers. The dictator is gone but his corrupt regime remains. Worse still, he left behind a country on the brink of bankruptcy.
Mari Pangestu of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies estimated that unemployment will rise to more than 15 million this year, or nearly 20 per cent of the workforce. With food prices rising sharply, this means that as many as 58 million people will soon be in poverty, far above the 22.5 million in January.
''We aren't going to see any investment coming in for a while,'' Pangestu said. ''The more you look at the numbers, the gloomier it gets.''
According to Indonesia watcher A R T Kemasang of the University of Bradford, the ongoing economic crisis might even led to a radicalisation of the masses in the world's fourth most populous country. Without a democratic and popular government, proper economic management, and a fresh injection of funds, Indonesia will face a long season of political instability and economic uncertainty. As the popular credo goes, ''Hungry people are angry people.''
A few hours after Suharto's resignation, hundreds of farmers established bamboo fences and reclaimed hectares of land on the outskirts of Jakarta which belonged to the Suhartos. The villagers said Suharto and his children had unfairly appropriated their land years ago.
Unfortunately Vice President B J Habibie, who took over the top job, is widely known as a Suharto protege. Suharto's hand-picked parliament approved Habibie as vice-president in March despite the disapproval of the military, ruling Golkar party executives, key Muslim organisations and minority groups --especially Christians from the eastern part of Indonesia -- all of whom mostly see him as a sectarian figure, a big spender and an unqualified leader.
Kemasang predicted that four political players must be involved in the process of change -- the Indonesian army, the backward-looking Muslim groups, the intelligentsia, including students, and the peasants.
''The moderate Muslims are more sensible. They are influential because of their size and are probably willing to cooperate for the good of the country,'' said Kemasang.
But Habibie has not, as perhaps the Suhartos had expected, remained silent. In an apparent bid to win public support, Habibie immediately released several political prisoners, met with the riot-hit Chinese traders, allowed the establishment of political parties and promised to hold a general election next year. Opposition leaders, however, who had earlier demanded an election this year, charged that Habibie is only playing for time while trying to consolidate his new regime. Meanwhile, Habibie's economic team demonstrated little support for the eccentric president.
''It's going to be chaotic. Only strongmen, semi-criminals and irrational figures could establish some sort of stability. These warlords will appear everywhere,'' said Rahman Tolleng, a co-founder of the Forum for Democracy, a loosely-organised forum for Jakarta intellectuals and dissidents.
Rahman, a former editor-in-chief of the Suara Karya daily, said without stable political institutions, it is very likely that the May 14 looting will be repeated. People are hungry, the economic situation is deteriorating and the government is very weak.
''I have little confidence in Habibie. That's why he has to step down,'' said Rahman. But the key problem is that anyone holding the top job in Indonesia, whether Habibie, or opposition figures like Muslim leader Amien Rais or nationalist figure Megawati Sukarnoputri, will find it hard to do more for the suffering masses under the present International Monetary Fund austerity measures. They have no choice but to cooperate with the IMF, said to have given Indonesia the ''wrong medicine''.
Rahman said a coalition, involving Amien and Megawati, is the only way out of the political impasse. A new election should be organised to restore public confidence in the government, he said.
Perhaps, said an American diplomat, the worst scenario in Indonesia is not the worsening of the economic crisis, but the political consequences of economic hardship. ''The world cannot afford to have 200 million radical Muslims,'' the diplomat lamented.
Andreas Harsono is The Nation's Jakarta correspondent
Thursday, June 04, 1998
BY ANDREAS HARSONO
JAKARTA -- In a report detailing the possible involvement of security forces in last month's riots in Jakarta, the Indonesian Commission of Human Rights has called on the newly-installed President B.J. Habibie's administration to investigate why troops did not prevent or fight the riots.
Commissioner Asmara Nababan said on Tuesday the passive gesture of the military during the riots had created an image that they had tolerated the rioters, and demanded that the government look into ''an organisation'' which had started and triggered the rioting, burning and looting between May 14 and May 16.
Unlike previous government statements which said only around 500 people were found dead in the riots, the commission also concluded in a statement, signed by the board members of the commission, that 1,188 people had died.
When asked whether it could confirm rumours that there was a plot to engineer the riots, commissioner Marzuki Darusman said the public should not bank too much on it.
''The Commission does not want to make statements of a speculative nature. It is, therefore, important that the government and the Armed Forces should explain openly the three big incidents that had happened prior to the riots,'' he said.
Rumours circulating here said that in a bid to intimidate the opposition, some elements of the military had kidnapped dozens of human rights activists as well as shot dead four students at the Trisakti University in Jakarta on May 12 which sparked public anger and led to the riots.
Some army generals close to Lt-Gen Prabowo Subianto, the then commander of the army strategic and reserve command, who is married to the middle daughter of former president Suharto, Siti Hediyati, were allegedly involved in the kidnappings and killings.
The rumours gained momentum especially after Prabowo was abruptly replaced not more than 36 hours after his father-in-law, who had been in power since 1965, decided to resign on May 21. Some other generals were also demoted.
Many also believe that the riots, whose main victims were ethnic Chinese Indonesians, were provoked to deflect public anger from the Suhartos to the Chinese, a minority community which controls much of the retail business.
A.R.T Kemasang of the University of Bradford in England, a British specialist on anti-Chinese riots in Indonesia, whose thesis on the 1740 massacre of the Chinese during the Dutch colonial period had sparked some academic debate in the 1980s, told The Nation in a telephone interview earlier this week that the pattern of last month's riots was classic.
''The Chinese are targeted by those whom I call 'political bullies' who have no programme bar that of immediate short-term gains,'' Kemasang said, adding that the attack on the Chinese was instigated by agents provocateur working for Prabowo and ''backward-looking Muslims wanting to bring the whole situation to anarchy in which they believe they could benefit by exacting concessions from the military''.
Kemasang said that attacks against Chinese-descent Indonesians, who have lived in Indonesia for generations and do not speak Mandarin, are always orchestrated by those with vested interests, hidden agendas or ulterior motives.
''They [the riots] are not spontaneous. So it has nothing to do with what the Chinese have done or not done. It has everything to do with history, the fact that the Dutch had made them into a problem minority for buffer-cum-scapegoat in the colonial divide-and-rule,'' Kemasang said.
Page A1 - Headlines